Le culte de la performance et la méritocratie
Les Choses humainesLe culte de la performance et la méritocratie is the novel’s account of achievement as both an aspiration and a system of social selection. Alexandre Farel’s carefully accumulated credentials promise mobility and recognition, yet they also teach him to treat setbacks as liabilities to conceal and other people as figures to assess, rank, or reach through networks. The ideal of merit appears inseparable from the advantages that make merit legible: elite education, money, polished self-presentation, and access to influential circles.
Credentials and the manufacture of success
For most of his life, Alexandre’s world had been reduced to performance. He was reading, counting, and writing at three; excelled in school; entered the École polytechnique at nineteen in third place; and went on to Stanford University, where he had been studying for six months. The sequence reads as a near-perfect record, reinforced by the substantial annual tuition and exceptional instruction available to him. But the outwardly triumphant profile sits beside a less marketable history: he had been sensitive, withdrawn, and shy, and the pressure of preparatory school had left him feeling repeatedly tested and defeated.
The break came soon after his arrival at École polytechnique. He hated the military instruction, its discipline and physical training, and the abrupt shift from intensive intellectual work to a body subjected to effort and command. After three weeks of training at La Courtine, he attempted suicide and was hospitalized in a state of extreme exhaustion and distress. He emerged determined that employers would not learn what had happened. At institutions that produce national elites, the episode exposes the cost hidden behind achievement: vulnerability threatens the reputation on which future opportunity depends.
Even Alexandre’s socially useful work is entangled with career calculation. He chose a six-month placement teaching mathematics at an elite boarding school in southern France partly because he expected its social dimension to appeal to American recruiters. He did not initially care much about representation or equality, and his experience of the world had been limited to a few Paris districts and two regions of France. Yet he came to value teaching and kept in touch with the students, later helping them refine CVs and prepare applications to international universities. The episode complicates the idea that privilege makes every action insincere: a choice made with an eye to future advantage can still lead to genuine commitment.
Selection, networks, and the polished self
The CV becomes a concentrated emblem of unequal preparation. Alexandre had tended his own as carefully as an elite athlete tends a body; his English, cultivated from childhood through lessons, travel, and expensive summer camps at Oxford and Harvard, was another investment in employability. As he rehearsed for interviews, a recorded question about his greatest failure demanded a calibrated answer: a candidate must demonstrate resilience without appearing either incapable of failure or permanently defeated. His prepared story turned rejected fiction submissions into a manageable setback, ending with a second-place prize in a student magazine contest.
That rehearsal also reveals what the performance excludes. Alexandre worries that mentioning his mother, an essayist, will make him seem dependent, and he cannot give an honest account of the suicide attempt without believing it would disqualify him. When a LinkedIn message offers money for sperm donation, the system’s sorting logic appears in another form: prospective parents could assess a donor by physical traits, social, ethnic, and religious background, and educational level. Alexandre sees the irony that some might pay for him to father a child shortly after the woman he loved had ended a pregnancy and left him. Personal attributes become selectable credentials, while intimate history remains something he edits or hides.
The same logic shapes the social world around him. At a party attended by students whose expected futures included Silicon Valley companies, investment banks, consulting firms, and hedge funds, friendship and future professional networking coexist. The novel does not present sincerity and interest as mutually exclusive: the same school connections can be real friendships and the beginnings of career networks. Yet the party’s competitive game, organized by Rémi Vidal, ranks women by desirability and turns social interaction into a test with a deadline and a public penalty. Alexandre’s elite milieu offers belonging, but it also normalizes measurement and performance beyond the classroom.
Visibility as another performance
When anxiety and loneliness sharpen after the party, Alexandre returns to the language of achievement through social media. He posts a filtered photograph of himself exercising, pairs it with tags about discipline, motivation, well-being, and happiness, and receives hearts, praise, and new followers. The image offers a public counterstatement to distress: the platform makes confidence visible and countable, even when the life behind the image feels bleak. He chooses which accounts to follow by preference, while dismissing Mila Wizman’s sparse landscape and food photographs as unimpressive; in a moment of guilt, he follows her. The scene links self-presentation to the same habits of selection that structure elite competition.
The pattern returns in Alexandre’s later venture. At twenty-six, he is one of the founders of Loving, an artificial-intelligence start-up that has raised five million dollars. Its virtual correspondents can be customized by intellectual level and are marketed to people who are lonely or uncomfortable in social situations, promising affection without risk or harm. Alexandre tells investors that a period of personal mistakes and diminished trust helped him recognize his needs, and says the idea came to him during his weeks in prison, when he felt isolated and unable to communicate. The account turns private difficulty into an entrepreneurial origin story, a familiar performance through which vulnerability is made persuasive and commercially useful.
Merit, privilege, and the novel’s critique
The novel places individual achievement inside networks of resources rather than treating success as proof of merit alone. Alexandre’s academic record depends on costly education and intensive language preparation; his social world connects classmates to future employers; and his access to professional opportunity is reinforced by the institutions willing to consider him. The contrast with students whose families lack either money or educational knowledge is explicit in his work helping with applications: the same admissions process does not offer every applicant the same practical means of presenting a life as a compelling CV.
The asymmetry becomes especially visible when Alexandre’s case enters the legal system. Before trial, he is placed under judicial supervision rather than detained: he has no criminal record, no prior violence, strong educational prospects, parents able to house him, and potential employers. Yet this conditional liberty costs him his Stanford studies and the prospect of a career in the United States; the case continues to interrupt ordinary life through hearings, assessments, and renewed risk of imprisonment. His qualifications count as guarantees, but they cannot erase the consequences of the proceedings.
At trial, the defense appeals directly to the jurors’ understanding of a young Parisian shaped by parties, alcohol, and elite education, and asks them to assess events from Alexandre’s perspective. The speech contrasts his fluent account with Mila’s more difficult access to words and emphasizes his academic pressure and emotional history. This argument exposes another form of social capital: eloquence and a recognizable biography can shape credibility. Against that pressure, the novel keeps achievement from settling the question of responsibility or truth. Merit may explain the opportunities a person receives; it cannot by itself resolve what happened between people, nor make the unequal distribution of resources disappear.
